One of our performance groups works with Swedish visiting artists |
Talk about the virus imbued everyday life with a constant awareness of the risks. Boxes of condoms were everywhere: on the backs of indoor toilets, in the post office, in the schools. In my work bringing health campaigns to schools, teaching preschoolers that their body is their body and not anyone else's to touch, we also taught the difference between condoms and balloons. Condoms were so ubiquitous that preschoolers were known to pick up used condoms off the ground, mistaking them for balloons.
With all the talk, one would think that there would be fewer infections. Not true. A thing about HIV in South Africa is that a quarter of people had it, but no one knew they had it. No one knew their status. That would require going to a doctor and getting a test. Doctors rarely ordered tests because they cost money, or because the patients didn't ask for them in the first place. At that time, one of the only groups of people who knew their status was pregnant women or women who had been pregnant since the testing of pregnant women became standard. Many if not most of the people who were infected were married; no one was telling people yet: "Even if you are married, get tested." No one wanted to think their spouse was cheating on them, so they didn't get a test.
Sirkona, our circus group |
But fidelity wasn't part of the operating system of sexual politics in Venda (and apparently in the rest of South Africa and, as I've heard, in large parts of the continent). I hesitate to say that it wasn't part of the "culture," because while at one time (and still in some areas) it had been part of the culture and the economy of Venda, with men taking multiple wives, monogamous marriage as implemented under colonial, apartheid, and missionary regimes was the theoretical standard in Venda. But either polygamous practices remained as a common and largely internally unquestioned sexual practice; social suffering under apartheid regimes devalued life to the point that people no longer cared how their actions affected themselves and others; the transient nature of the South African economy, structured thus under apartheid, made it nearly impossible to maintain the strong family structures that [hypothetically and questionably] lay the foundation of strong democracies; or combination of the above. In South Africa 2003-2005, men who worked did not live in Venda because of low economic opportunity, and men who lived in Venda generally did not work. Men lived in the cities, 6-8-10-15-20 hours away, and women lived in the villages. It was perfectly normal for a man to have a family in the city and a family in the village, but the women often did not know about each other, or it was an open secret.
I knew so many partnerless women in Venda. They volunteered in the clinics and home-based care networks; they started small
One of my best friends in Venda, Muofhe |
I went to so many funerals. I could have gone to a funeral in my village every weekend if I had wanted to. But when discussing how the (usually) man died, it was always "He was sick. Oh, he was very, very sick." An occasional auntie or friend would give me a knowing look: "He liked to have fun, that man. He had a good time." In walking through the cemeteries, most of the dates of birth were in the 1960s. These men were all 40-45 years old when they died. Even now, I get the occasional message from one of my friends there, that so-and-so has died. Still, no one says AIDS.
"We are tired of being raped." |
I don't know how things have changed since leaving South Africa almost nine years ago. I last worked in very, very rural Kenya where the main health issues were food security and basic sanitation. I have a friend who has worked in South Africa recently and whose husband still lives there. I've put a call into her and will update the class as I am able to talk her.
Thanks for sharing this captivating narrative Jill. I researched on HIV/AIDS in a remote tribal district in India as part of my dissertation. And the words AIDS is still not dealt comfortably with.Its still a realm of silence and refusal. This is a critical point for theorizing our communication in disease domains like HIV/AIDS. How do we deal with this culture of silence? How do we deal with the stigma and discriminatory practices which have been socialized into the day to day lives of communities. How do we deal with this acceptance, this institutionalization of "deaths due to HIV/AIDS" in the poor deprived communities like this? The bar has to be raised. Time and again, I have felt, theorizing from a distance is far too easy than dealing with these field realities. Each field trip makes me further vulnerable as a researcher revealing new insights into the structures. The parallels to social suffering can be drawn with other communities under other diseases too. So, the constant challenge is to find new ways for engaging the structures that create these suffering.
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